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May 17,
2004 © New York University. All Rights Reserved.
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Outsourcing
torture and the problems of “quality control”
By Charles Knight
Global Beat Syndicate
(KRT)
CAMBRIDGE, Mass.—In October 2001, Yemeni student
Jamil Qasim Saeed Mohammed, suspected of involvement in the
bombing of the USS Cole, was turned over to the United States
by Pakistan and then flown to Jordan on a U.S.-registered jet.
Other “high-value” prisoners in our “Global
War on Terrorism” have been shipped off to Egypt, Morocco
and Syria at the request of the United States.
What all four countries have in common is a history of using
torture to extract information from suspected enemies of the
state.
Amnesty International, in a November 14, 2003 briefing cited
“persistent reports and rumors of detainees being secretly
‘rendered’ to countries with a record of abusing
suspects in order to extract information.” Amnesty further
reported that “Officials …have openly stated that
the USA may deliberately send some detainees to countries where
they are abused during interrogation.”
This practice can aptly be described as “outsourcing torture.”
Through this scheme the Bush administration apparently hopes
to maintain our image globally as “the good cop”
while still getting the benefits of forcefully extracted intelligence
from hired “bad cops.” Much of this “rendering”
of prisoners appears to be done by covert units of the CIA and
Pentagon intelligence agencies, providing the dual benefits
of the standard covert operations “deniability”
and the arms-length deniability that comes by having the dirty
work done in a foreign country. We have to assume that our government
is paying top dollar for the cooperation of these foreign “intelligence”
specialists.
Now the cover on the U.S. practice of torture has been blown
by the publication of dozens of photos of unmistakable brutality
in an Iraqi prison. Several things are notable about this incident:
∑ The numbers of prisoners for processing in Iraq are
so great that the professionals began to rely on the assistance
of under-trained and youthful soldiers who were so shockingly
undisciplined that they took photos of their activities to send
home. This is yet another indicator of how poorly prepared the
United States was before going into Iraq for the large scale
occupation that followed;
∑ The Pentagon hired private contractors to help extract
intelligence information from prisoners. These incidents neatly
illustrate the most fundamental problems of accountability when
private contractors do work that sometimes involves violence.
Apparently, even though the Secretary of Defense is surely the
prime contractor, he is not really responsible for any abuses
encouraged or condoned by private sub-contractors. Beware the
rogue state.
On May 6, President Bush told King Abdullah II of Jordan that
he was “sorry for the humiliation suffered by Iraqi prisoners,
and the humiliation suffered by their families.” Many
have questioned why Mr. Bush chose to apologize to the King
of Jordan rather than directly to Iraqis. To understand this
particular piece of diplomacy it helps to remember that for
the neoconservative advisors to President Bush, the Hashemite
Kingdom of Jordan is the favorite compliant Arab country, and
they would like nothing better than for a relative of King Abdullah
to take over in Iraq.
What was not reported about the May 6 Rose Garden photo session
with the King of Jordan was whether a White House physician
stood at the ready in case either leader suffered facial spasms
from excessive winking when the subject turned to abuse of prisoners.
Issues of clever “deniability” strategies and pipe
dreams of Jordanian hegemony over Iraq aside, these points obtain:
the issue of the United States as a state sponsor of torture,
perpetrated or exported to foreign stooges, is having a ripple
effect globally that will damage our image for a long time to
come. Second, the whole issue of command control and responsibility,
when it relates to allowing our prisoners to be tortured by
our people or our paid foreign henchmen, is one that deserves
serious national scrutiny and major policy debate. It cannot
come too soon.
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ABOUT
THE WRITER
Charles Knight is a defense policy analyst with the Project
on Defense Alternatives at the Commonwealth Institute in Cambridge,
Mass. His specialties include force structure reform in the
post-Cold War era and assessments of national strategy.
- © 2000
New York University. All Rights Reserved. The Global Beat Syndicate,
a service of New York University's Center for War, Peace, and
the News Media, provides editors with commentary and perspective
articles on critical global issues from contributors around the
world. For more information, check out http://www.nyu.edu/globalbeat/syndicate/.
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