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Human Rights: Rhetoric And Reality
What Clinton Must Do to Make China Accountable
By Mike Jendrzejczyk
Global Beat Issue Brief No. 38, June 22, 1998

 
Whether the United States can ever come to terms with China and forge the "strategic partnership" the Clinton administration envisions rests on one crucial issue: China's record on human rights.
 
Since its 1994 decision to "delink" human rights from China's "most favored nation" trading status, the Clinton administration has been struggling to find a credible way to address human rights. It has yet to come up with an effective strategy that is clearly based on principle and consistently carried out. Only such an approach has a chance of being taken seriously - in Beijing or on Capitol Hill.
 
Instead, the White House has pressed for token gestures by China that give the appearance of making progress, while overall human rights conditions remain essentially unchanged: There has been some loosening of restrictions of free speech and assembly, but overt challenges to Communist Party rule are routinely suppressed.
 
Worker unrest is growing and the government has squelched any attempts to organize independent trade unions. Repression of ethnic minorities in Tibet and Xinjiang remains intense. Though officially sanctioned religious groups are thriving, state controls on unofficial religious activity remain in place. An anti-crime campaign, called "Strike Hard," has resulted in hundreds of thousands of arbitrary arrests and thousands of executions. Torture and ill-treatment in prisons and labor camps is widespread. Legal reforms have instituted greater protections of defendants' rights, at least on paper, and the elimination of some political crimes. But with the party and the state firmly in control of the judicial system, China is a long way from meeting international legal standards.
 
Despite this dismal record, in March the Clinton administration dropped sponsorship of a critical resolution on China at the annual meeting of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva. Every year since 1990, the United States and other governments had pushed a China motion in Geneva, triggering a worldwide lobbying effort by Beijing, anxious to avoid U.N. censure and a loss of face. But when China agreed to release Wang Dan and other dissidents, and promised to sign a key U.N. human rights treaty, the administration backed off. Not only was Beijing let off the hook, but the prospects of using the U.N. forum as an incentive to get China to make more far-reaching human rights reforms are now virtually nil.
 
The president says that summitry and high-level meetings offer a more "practical" and productive route to encourage change than criticism, and the outcome of the summit may reinforce his argument that "constructive engagement" works. But if the visit is long on photo opportunities but short on results, it will raise questions about a policy toward a China that shrugs off virtually all forms of pressure. What can the president realistically achieve at the summit?
 
It's important that Clinton speak out publicly about human rights while he is in China. He should reconsider participating in an official welcoming ceremony in Tiananmen Square, and he should meet with family members of the victims of the 1989 massacre. Here are other things Clinton can do to address human rights on his visit: Seek agreement to release or review the sentences of some 2,000 persons imprisoned on vague charges of "counter-revolutionary activities." Convince the Chinese government to grant unrestricted access to Tibet and Xinjiang by foreign journalists and human rights monitors. Persuade Chinese officials to review current regulations requiring all religious bodies to register with the authorities. Press Beijing to protect the rights of Chinese workers, including those seeking to exercise their rights under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (which China signed last October). Promote the lifting of restrictions on Chinese citizens living abroad who have been blacklisted and forbidden to return to China due to their pro-democracy activities; Seek a commitment to end the system of re-education through labor.
 
U.S. relations with China have reached a critical point, but where they go from here will depend, at least in part, on how successful the White House can be in translating its rhetoric about human rights into meaningful policy and action.
 
 
Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington director of Human Rights Watch, Asia Division.
 
Contact Information:
 
Mike Jendrzejczyk
Washington Representative
Asia Watch
1522 K Street, NW, Suite 910
Washington DC, 20005
Phone: (202) 371 6592
Fax: (202) 371 0124
Email: jendrzm@hrw.org
 
 
This article was written for "The Challenge of China," a project of MSNBC and the New York University Center for War, Peace, and the News Media.
 
c. 1998, MSNBC and New York University's Center for War, Peace, and the News Media. Contact the Center's Boston office for publication rights (tel: 617-497-7377).
 
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