Ethnic Communities in New York City: Dominicans in
Washington Heights
Pauline Nguyen and Josephine Sanchez
I. Introduction
Washington Heights stretches roughly
thirty-five blocks across the northern tip of Manhattan island. It
encompasses a broad tract of land, taking in 160th Street to about 189th
Street and all that lies between the wide avenues of Broadway, St.
Nicholas Boulevard, and Fort Washington. The majority of its occupants
are the smiling, chestnut-skinned immigrants of the Dominican Republic,
whose steady arrival accounts for 7 percent of New York City's total
population, and makes up its highest immigrant group .
Like other immigrant groups, many
Dominicans choose to cluster within the same geographic grid. In the
Washington Heights neighborhood where a large number of them have settled,
a distinctly Dominican community has emerged, and flourished: restaurants
offer ethnic delicacies; shops frequently advertise in both English and
Spanish; church services are conducted in keeping with traditional
Dominican customs; and medical assistance is completely available, not
only in general Spanish, but in the specific Dominican dialect of Spanish.
The language on the street is Spanish, and the Dominican flag flies
proudly beside the stars and stripes from balconies, apartment windows,
and storefronts.
For the immigrant, it is better,
perhaps, to live among so many from the native country while adapting to
the lifestyles of a new one; no doubt it is more secure, more familiar.
Things are less foreign, and there are fewer opportunities to stumble
linguistically and culturally in a community that attempts to offer the
services and manners of the old country. The difficulties of transition
are drastically reduced, even completely deleted. It is with the children
of immigrants, with first generation Dominican-Americans, that the
benefits of this community might compromise their assimilation-and
ascension-within the dominant, English-speaking culture. On streets where
Spanish words greatly outnumber English ones, in coffee carts that have
been transformed into portable patelito stands, one must wonder how
well ethnic identity and "American" identity coexist, and how the striking
linguistic differences between the immigrant and dominant cultures
interact, accommodate, and sometimes overwhelm the other.
II. Demographics
Dominican children compose a
remarkable 10 percent of those attending a New York City public school;
Dominican families make up 7 percent of the entire population of New York
City . In her book, Over Here It's Different: Carolina's Story,
Mildred Leinweber Dawson notes that the Dominican Republic sent
approximately 252,000 people to the United States between 1981 and 1990,
putting it "among the top ten countries sending immigrants here" (2).
Unfortunately, the high rate of influx has yet to mirror their economic
success: a 1997 study released by Columbia University's Latino Studies
Program and City University of New York's Dominican Studies Institute at
City College entitled Dominican New Yorkers: A Socioeconomic
Profile, 1997 revealed that Dominicans have the lowest income of any
other major ethnic or racial group in New York City-only $6,094 per family
. In the late 1990s, when the nation and New York City were experiencing
an economic upturn, 45 percent of Dominicans remained below the poverty
line. Despite dismal economic statistics, Dominicans continue to
immigrate to the United States, with 60 percent of them ultimately
choosing to live in New York City.
III. Home
Three Dominican boys whom we met during
our study unanimously agreed that the home was a central part of the
Dominican world, a kind of nucleus around which their sense of community,
loyalty, and identity sprung and continues to revolve. It is in the
privacy of this sphere that children acquire their cultural identity,
where kids learn what it means to be "Dominican" and "American." They
learn here, often first in Spanish, then in English, about their roots and
ethnic traditions. They develop a palette for Dominican cuisine, adopt
the values of their family and their people, and absorb the full meaning
of their Dominican personhood, and to what extent they can become
"American" before it is compromised. Some Dominican children, for
example, are given an extremely strong sense of linguistic priority in the
home, being taught that English is restricted to the public domain, and,
even there, relegated to necessity.
The home is additionally the stage for
behavior. Children are quick to imitate the behavior and attitudes of
older family members. Dominicans are honest, they argued, and whatever
they had to do-an inference to the "drug dealing"-was justified so long as
it was the means by which they supported their family. As to the
perception that Dominicans were defensive or pugnacious, they clarified
that they were merely a protective group, and one whose paternal instincts
were not limited to members of their own ethnicity: they would uphold
anything fair, and likewise attack anything unjust. The comment is
particularly suited to the tight sense of community that takes its roots
from the family and home. A strong bond connects somehow connects all
Dominicans, a warm camaraderie largely maintained by their shared Spanish
tongue that allows them to do favors for one another, even those with whom
they are not personally close. As we walked up Juan Pablo Duarte
Boulevard-named for the father of Dominican independence-we observed with
amazement the ease with which our Dominican "guides" were able to interact
with various shopkeepers and restaurant owners, who, after a few words of
Spanish, gestured for us to snap the pictures they were shy and
apprehensive about before.
IV. Church and Religion
Religion is secondary, or, perhaps
closely intertwined, with the importance designated to the home in the
Dominican perspective. The three Dominican boys who helped us collect
research for this project attests to that; we came upon the high-school
age trio as they were leaving confession at the Church of the Incarnation,
an old stone Roman Catholic church along St. Nicholas Boulevard. They
indicated that religion was a telling characteristic when ascertaining a
person's Dominican identity, and instructed us to take notice of the
passerby in front of the church. Those who did not bless themselves as
they passed were probably not Dominican, they stated, and we watched
patiently as the majority of the crowd did, indeed, bless themselves as
they walked by the church.
Dominicans mainly profess to be
Roman Catholics; a small percentage are Protestants and a mere 1 percent
are Spiritists. In keeping with the conservative beliefs of the Roman
Catholic faith, then, it is not surprising the opinions held by the boys
concerning homosexuality, an idea which they introduced and adamantly
rejected. They gave no specific reason as to why, suggesting that their
repugnance is the result of emotion and morality rather than one of
conventional logic. Their presence in the church at all on a sunny
weekday afternoon implies considerable devotion to their faith, as well as
to the presumed dedication of other Dominicans, many of whom stopped by to
say a prayer and light a candle.
The church itself was stocked with
missals in Spanish-only a handful of English missals were available-and
the statue of the Virgin Mother, Mary, at the altar, read "Maria," the
Spanish version of her name. Other saints and statues stood behind
Spanish versions of their name, evidence that religion is a revealing
marker of linguistic significance, and that, in this community, Spanish,
not English, holds the upper hand.
V. Schools
Education is a top priority in the
Dominican mentality; the researcher Anne Canty says that the community
views education as a channel through which one can progress and move
upward in life , and this opinion allows schooling to take some precedence
in a child's life. English is spoken in both public and private schools;
passage through the grade levels, and certainly, any honors to be
received, are heavily dependent on a child's ability to communicate
clearly and effectively in English. As in most New York City public
schools situated in densely-ethnic, native-speaking communities, bilingual
classes are available, but two high school boys and one elementary school
boy spoke dismissively about them, waving them off as a kind of pathetic
option for those "fresh off the boat." The older boys in particular
identified English with being American, and Spanish with being Dominican,
two cultures of which they were both very much a part and between which
they moved freely, depending on the location, but agreed that a grasp of
English, even in the dominantly Dominican community, was a necessity, not
an option.
It is a bit surprising to learn
that the New York State Regents Exam, the annual set of tests administered
to high school students to qualify them for graduation, is available in
Spanish-that is, one can pass the test in Spanish and be awarded a
diploma, not having known enough English to pass in English. Retired New
York City high school teacher Maria Sanchez notes that the Spanish option
was, perhaps even more surprisingly, not frequently utilized . Most
people are unaware that many Spanish-speakers are hindered by illiteracy
in their native tongue, and unable to fully comprehend the formal
Castilian Spanish-not the dialect under which they were reared-in which
the tests are given.
VI. Politics
The influence of the Latin voting
bloc has swelled in recent years, and so too has the need to accurately
represent them. Census 2000 data show clear segregation between Hispanic
and non-Hispanics, a trend which is becoming increasingly popular . The
average Hispanic now lives in a neighborhood that is 44 percent Hispanic,
making him the largest minority . Washington Heights is a case in point:
a district divided into one overwhelmingly Hispanic majority and another
large mixed population, it elects two city councilmen to best address the
needs of the diverse area. Guillermo Linares is the first
Dominican-American to be elected to public office; he appropriately
represents Spanish-speaking constituents and makes his office in
Washington Heights. The other councilman, Stanley E. Michels, is a
non-Hispanic whose main concentration concerns those voters outside the
Dominican community, in Harlem, Central Park North, and
non-Spanish-speaking portions of Washington Heights. Linares' projects
are generally geared toward his Hispanic constituents, and he consistently
seeks to better education and sharpen focus on the bilingual skills of
Hispanic-Americans. His platform is so predictable, perhaps, because his
ethnicity lends him a more extensive understanding of the issues troubling
Dominicans, as well as the linguistic capability to best communicate to
them the limitations of what he can and cannot do. That facility with
Spanish is a political asset that boosts his credibility and support among
Dominican voters. The oldest of our three guides offered the same
trusting opinion about Puerto Rican mayoral candidate Fernando Ferrer, who
is, not coincidentally, perhaps, endorsed by Linares. The unity among
Hispanics, culturally and linguistically, ought not to be underestimated:
signs attached to lamp posts and telephone poles in Washington Heights
rally passerby to elect another Dominican to office. There is no mention
of his platform or agenda, maybe because it does not matter as much as his
ethnicity and native tongue. That Hispanic sense of camaraderie, the
protective nature, and the deep sense of family and obligation to one's
own are gaining increasingly prominent roles in the political arena as
these qualities become the qualifications which make a candidate
appealing.
Mayoral hopeful Mike Bloomberg
positions political posters, in Spanish, to woo voters in Washington
Heights to his camp. It is a good try, and a sincere intention, but one
whose integrity may be dimmed beside the native Hispanic Ferrer who,
Linares says "understands the issues of the Latino community because of
who he is and where he comes from ." It seems to be to one's credit to be
Hispanic, or, if one is not, to at least attempt to bridge the linguistic
gap by advertising and campaigning in Spanish.
VII. Medical and Other Services
The walls of Columbia Presbyterian
Hospital tower above St. Nicholas Boulevard in the heart of the Dominican
neighborhood of Washington Heights, but it will bend to assist the needs
of its home community. All of the signs are posted in both English and
Spanish, and a number of doctors and nurses are prepared to translate
options and procedures to Spanish-speaking patients and their families.
(Translators are available in other languages as well, but not in bulk.)
A non-Hispanic security guard who has been with the medical center for
over sixteen years notes that one can employ the hospital's services
without a word of English, receiving the same care and medication afforded
to English-speakers. Despite these myriad accommodations, however, a
linguistic barrier continues to strain communication between medical staff
and Spanish-speakers. The guard observes the confusion of many
Spanish-speakers over the seemingly simple act of entering and leaving
through the building's automatic handicapped doors, a frustrating
misunderstanding that is typically the result of illiteracy.
A notable portion of Spanish-speakers
still struggle with illiteracy, even in their native tongue, rendering the
translated print services useless to them. In some cases, illiteracy is
the outcome of years of stubbornness, refusing or not bothering to learn
English when every aspect of life can be efficiently carried out
exclusively in Spanish. The New Jade House Chinese Restaurant, for
example, has translations of Chinese dishes into Spanish, and the Oriental
cashier can count, in Spanish, up to fifty. It is essential to the
success of his business for him to learn the language of his customers;
conversely, a Dominican Spanish-speaker would not have to labor to achieve
the same kind of communication. In the ethnic community, it is simply not
needed, and yet, linguistic holes still need to be filled.
VII. Conclusion
The Dominican community of
Washington Heights is a vibrant, sociable group. Their collective warmth
manifests itself in the neighborhood showcase that is a feast to foreign
senses: brilliant assortments of exotic fruits and vegetables; the
toasted, beckoning scent of a golden empanadas, and the lyrical, musical
sound of a Spanish dialect easily distinguishable by the over-emphasized
roll of the r's. They are a traditional group, fiercely loyal to their
family, community, and linguistic heritage. Perhaps that is the
difficulty in persuading Dominicans to revert to just one language: one
would take from him his natural ethnic identity, and the other, the
symbol-however broken and accented-of his new home. Languages do
sometimes clash, but they do not compete, because they do not have to-the
famous schoolteacher Annie Sullivan said, ""Language grows out of life,
out of its needs and experiences." For the Dominicans in Washington
Heights, it is the delicate balance of two lives: an English-speaking
life within the doors of Intermediate School 90, and a Spanish-speaking
life on the asphalt of 163rd Street, and on the sidewalks of busy St.
Nicholas Boulevard. Language is, after all, more than just a method of
communication, it is life: two flags, one from the Dominican Republic and
the other, American red, white, and blue flying from the same fire escape.
References
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is Key to Progress, Researchers
Say." Columbia University News. 10
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"Dominican Republic," Microsoft Encarta Online Encyclopedia 2001. http://encarta.msn.com. 1997-2001
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El Nasser, Haya. "Hispanic Growth Reveals Isolation." USA Today, 13
August 2001.
http://www.usatoday.com/news/census/2001-03-25-hispanics-isolation.htm.
(9 October 2001).
El Nasser, Haya. "Racial, Ethnic Lines Remain Sharp in Metro Areas." USA
Today, 13 August 2001.
http://www.usatoday.com/news/census/2001-04-03-ethnicsegregation.htm.
(9 October 2001).
"Prominent Dominican Leader and City Councilman Endorses Ferrer." Fernando
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http://www.ferrer2001.com/news/linares/html.
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